Kurdistan forces are liberating Western Kurdistan

[lazos]

Why is Assad sooooo ugly :/ he gots no sex appeal what do ever someone who just place him in the friends zone >(^.^)>

[ideas]

his wife is hot though

[Kurdistano]

FSA: we will not fight our kurdish brothers. .

At least something what gives me back sympathy for them! Who wants to be my brother will be treated as such.

[Kurdistano]

GIRÊDANEK ORGANÎK YA ME BI PKK’Ê RE TUNE YE

Serokê PYD’ê îdîayên ku PKK li Rojavayê Kurdistanê ye jî derewandin û aşkera kir ku, “Teqez tune ye. Tu têkiliyekî organîk yê me bi PKK’ê re tune ye.”

ANF

So the leader of PYD commented about the rumors that PKK is taking ground in West Kurdistan with "There are no PKK members in West Kurdistan and we (PYD) and PKK are not one and the same." If I am not wrong.

Exactly, the PYD leader Salih Müslim say that. Its better for the PYD to distance themselves from the PKK, because they need International support and as a part of the PKK they will not get that.

Great that they now understand why we want them to distance from PKK and how this will benefit themselves and all Kurds.

[talsor]

Welcome to the Kurdistan Region of Syria

The Kurdish Globe
By Bashdar Pusho Ismaeel
For thousands of Kurds in Syria, achieving basic rights and citizenship was a dream let alone witnessing the hoisting of the flag of Kurdistan on the historic soil of their ancestors.
For hundreds of years, Kurdish valour, passion and determination stood up to many forms of tyranny and the sheer force and military might of their oppressors. Often helicopter gunships, tanks, fighter jets and even chemical weapons were no match for the heart and pride of the Kurdish warrior.

After decades out of the limelight, it is the turn of the Kurds of Syria to seize their historic opportunity, to unite and liberate another part of Kurdistan from tyranny and dictatorship. As a series of cities succumb to Kurdish control, Kurds need to ensure that the last Arab troop to leave Kurdistan is the last oppressing force to ever be seen in their territory.

Much like the uprising of Iraqi Kurdistan in 1991, Syrian Kurds must ensure that the newly hoisted Kurdish flags on-top of government buildings are the only flags that the region will ever see.


Liberation of Kurdistan

As Kurdish forces of the Kurdish National Council (KNC) and the Democratic Union Party (PYD) finally united via the recent Erbil agreement brokered by Kurdistan President Massoud Barzani, the renewed vigour of the Kurds was on instant show.

The fall of Kobane, in the province of Halab (Aleppo) and close to the Turkish border, served as the first symbol of freedom. This quickly followed with the liberation of Amude, Afrin, Dêrik and the Cidêris district. Kurdish People's Defense Unions (YPG) alongside the Kurdish citizens, were at the forefront of the liberation.

The battle for these cities was largely without any real confrontation. This is not because Bashar al-Assad's government sees these areas as non-important. On the contrary, they dare not indulge in a bloody confrontation with a group of determined, passionate and patriotic Kurds, where the outcome was certain defeat. Instead, the Syrian army decided to regroup and focus their efforts in maintaining control of key cities.

With reported clashes in Qamishli, the iconic Kurdish power centre of Syria, it is unlikely that Assad will give up the city without a fight. However, with a united Kurdish offensive and the Syrian army already stretched in Damascus and in other battles with the Free Syrian Army (FSA), Damascus can ill-afford a protracted and ultimately costly battle against the growing Kurdish brigades.

The Union of Kurdish Coordination Committees (UKCC) urged the members of the Syrian army to withdraw from the Kurdish areas or face consequences. Indeed some reports indicate that the Syrian army may well withdraw under certain conditions rather than risk a bloody conflict with the Kurds.

At this historical juncture, the Kurdistan Region must continue to support their brethren in Syria, both through a continuation of political efforts to bolster unity and harmony amongst the disparate Kurdish voices in Syria and also through logistical support and aid.


Erbil Agreement

Only a few weeks ago, there was a deep split in Syrian Kurdistan that threatened the nationalist goals of the Kurds, undermined their efforts at a key time to topple Assad and even threatened to break into civil war.

As part of the Erbil agreement, the Kurdish National Council (KNC) and the People's Council of Western Kurdistan formed an agreement for the join-administration of Syrian Kurdistan.

Maintaining unity is perhaps the biggest risk to nationalist goals of the Kurds in Syria. Even Assad is less of a danger that the danger of Kurdish disunity itself.

Through unity, the Kurds become a cohesive force and where their battle becomes one of ethnic and sovereign rights, rather than individual goals of political parties.

Kurdish parties seem to be well aware of the dangers of not fulfilling a united front. The importance of working together was recently echoed by the Kurdistan Democratic Party and Kurdistan Freedom Party.

Unity amongst such an array of Kurdish views will not be easy but any alternative is simply not an option.


Ankara Alarm

Whilst the Kurds in Syrian and throughout greater Kurdistan looks at the emergence of a Kurdish controlled region in Syria with great pride, Turkey is inevitably alarmed at such developments.

Regardless of greater Kurdish unity in Syria, there is no denying that a major force on the new Kurdish political maps is the PYD which has strong links to the PKK. The PKK flags on display tell its own story,

Barzani has helped to reposition the PYD focus from one of anti-Turkey and supporting the PKK to one that can focus on the primary and historical objective of liberating Syrian Kurdistan.

PYD has changed its tone for now, but it has left Turkey in a precarious position. Does it remain idle and watch as the Kurds and particularly the PYD carve out a new bastion of Kurdish nationalism, or does it intervene and do something about it?

If Turkey does take military action to intervene then it almost certainly will alienate the Kurds further and may even lead to a greater cross border insurgency. It will also undermine their role as the main sponsor of Syrian oppositional if ironically they are seen to punish Kurds for ousting Assad.

Kurdistan Region on the other hand has the difficult job of keeping Syrian Kurds in tandem with their Region and working on their side and away from one that may incur the wrath of Turkey.

The Kurdistan Region will become the natural foster parent of Syrian Kurdistan and it will be interesting to see how Ankara reacts to this inevitable reality.

However, it may be a small price to pay if the Kurdistan Regional Government can manage to keep the PKK away from dominating the Syrian Kurdistan region.


Kurdistan First

The focus of Syrian Kurds must be on Kurdistan before the nationalist objectives of the Arab dominated Syrian National Council (SNC).

Syrian Kurds will be wary of taking any new power and influence for granted, knowing only too well of the Arab opposition to the idea of Kurdish self-rule let alone de-facto independence.

In this light, it was a wise move by the Kurds to prevent the FSA forces from entering their region and to limit the prospects of confrontation and thus damage to Kurdistan as much as possible,

While the Kurds should continue to do what they can to topple Assad from power, the very future of post-Assad Syria is far from certain.

How the array of opposition voices can be wedged together is a difficult undertaking. There are many echoes of Iraq in the new Syria, and once the euphoria of the eventual fall of Assad wanes, the battle to keep a united Syria will take centre stage.

Much like Iraq, Kurds in Syria would have a pivotal region with a plenty of oil reserves, and will work to safeguard and bolster their region before submitting to the sentiment of Arab nationalism once again.

[talsor]

Syrian Kurdish moves ring alarm bells in Turkey

(Reuters) - Concerns are surfacing in Turkey about the growing influence in northern Syria of a Kurdish group linked to Kurdish separatists fighting Ankara, something Turkey fears may further complicate efforts to solve its intractable Kurdish problem.

Syria's Kurdish areas have been largely spared the worst of the violence in the 16-month-old revolt against President Bashar al-Assad, and Syrian Kurds see a chance to attain the freedoms enjoyed by their ethnic kin in neighboring northern Iraq.

Pictures of Kurdish flags flying over buildings and being waved by Kurds in northern Syria have attracted wide coverage in Turkish media and prompted commentators to mull the possibility that Kurds could carve out an independent state there.

Kurdish opposition figures say Assad's forces pulled out of areas of Hassaka and Aleppo provinces, leaving control of them to the Democratic Union Party (PYD) - linked to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) which has fought a 28-year separatist conflict in Turkey in which more than 40,000 people have died.

"In some places, the Syrian regime handed over power to the PYD (Democratic Union Party) and withdrew," Abdelbasset Seida, head of the opposition Syrian National Council (SNC), said after meeting Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu on Monday.

The Syrian towns of Amuda, Derik, Kobani and Afrin have been reported to be under PYD control. The reports could not be confirmed due to Syrian restrictions on media access.

The assertion of control by the PYD, which denies any association with the PKK, has led to squabbles and even armed clashes with the other main Kurdish political group, the Kurdish National Council, and other Syrian rebel factions.

Syrian opposition figures have accused the PYD of acting as enforcers for Assad, putting down demonstrations in Kurdish areas and assassinating anti-Assad activists, most notably Mashaal Tammo, a charismatic Kurdish leader. He was killed last year as he organized an anti-Assad political coalition.

Assad's father, the late Hafez al-Assad, for years sheltered PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan before the threat of a Turkish invasion in 1998 forced him to send Ocalan abroad, where Turkish agents eventually captured him and brought him back to Turkey.

As Turkish-Syrian relations improved, Bashar al-Assad cooperated with Ankara by cracking down on PKK elements hunkered down in Syria, but those ties disintegrated last year after Assad deployed military forces to crush popular unrest.

'SYRIAN NATIONAL FABRIC'

Turkish officials have not expressed concerns publicly about the PYD's influence. A foreign ministry official said Davutoglu warned the SNC about risks of sectarian conflict or civil war.

Deputy Prime Minister Besir Atalay played down the Syrian Kurdish issue when asked by reporters on Tuesday whether he was concerned by the raising of Kurdish flags and if he was concerned that a Kurdish state could be established.

"We do not have such a concern," he said, rejecting the idea that Kurds were now in control. "In some small places there have been flag incidents, but there is no such thing (as the Kurds being in control)."

Seida, a Kurd, emphasized the national unity of Syria, where Kurds make up around one million of the 21 million population.

"We have given the necessary orders so that no flag is raised apart from the flag of Syrian independence. The Kurds are a part of the Syrian national fabric," he said.

But Ankara had been unpleasantly surprised by Syrian Kurdish support for the PKK-linked PYD, according to Deniz Zeyrek of the Turkish liberal daily Radikal.

"The Turkish side sees this as an 'unexpected development' and has started taking steps to stop this becoming a deepening problem for Turkey," Zeyrek said.

He said one option was to get Masoud Barzani, president of Iraq's Kurdistan region, to exert more influence over these groups or for Ankara, now among the states calling for Assad's removal, to cultivate ties with Syrian Kurdish leaders.

Turkey has recently established closer relations with Barzani and the Kurdish regional government as it looks to build on growing business and energy stakes in northern Iraq.

More than 7,000 Syrians have fled growing economic hardship and instability for Iraq's Kurdistan, which has been autonomous since 1991 with its own provincial government and armed forces, but relies on the Baghdad central government for its budget.

Meanwhile, the Turkish opposition is playing on fears of Kurdish independence in Syria.

"Now a new Kurdistan is coming. Syrian Kurdistan is on the doorstep," Muharrem Ince, a leading member of the main opposition Republican People's Party, told reporters.

During his 10 years in power, Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan has thrust through reforms, mainly to increase the scope for Kurdish broadcasting and teaching, designed to address the grievances of a minority of some 12 million people.

However, inspired by the example of northern Iraq, many Turkish Kurdish politicians are pushing for political autonomy.

Turkish academic Ihsan Dagi said Turkey needed to clarify its position on the Kurdish problem, having sent "mixed signals" by holding talks with the PKK while enforcing security policies.

"Are you ready for a Kurdish state?" he wrote in the Turkish daily Zaman, saying an autonomous Kurdish administration would take shape in Syria if Assad fell and that even an independent "Western Kurdistan" was possible.

"Kurdish geopolitics are being reshaped in the region. A 'Greater Kurdistan" is no longer just a dream for many Kurds. You may look and find the 'first independent Kurdish state' emerging in an unexpected place - Syria," Dagi said.

[talsor]

Syrian Kurdistan: Grounds for a New National Experiment

It is no secret that the two major parties in Syrian Kurdistan --The People’s Council and the Kurdish National Council (KNC) -- are directly tied to other parties. The former is linked to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the latter to the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP).

The recent unity among Syrian Kurds and formation of the High Commission of the Kurds in Syria shows a rise in national sentiments. The unity is also a product of understandings between Qandil and Erbil.

These developments indicate that the post-revolution experiments of the Syrian Kurds will be different from those of the Iranian Kurds after 1979 and Iraqi Kurds of 1991.

For the first time, two major Kurdish political parties -- which are, in fact, the strongest -- from two different regions have come together to direct developments in another part of Kurdistan.

In the post-1979 revolution era in Iranian Kurdistan and post-1991 era in Iraqi Kurdistan, involvement of parties from other parts of Kurdistan did not prove to be very positive or constructive.

It was not positive because their involvement invited reactions. The involvement of external actors was forced by the regional political situation. And it was not constructive because it led to deepening conflict between different parts of Kurdistan. (The experiment of the “support forces” in Iranian Kurdistan might be the only case where the above-mentioned paradigm does not apply).

The experiment in Syrian Kurdistan is a completely new one. What we have seen is not only a struggle of Syrian Kurds for power or freedom. This is to say that, after the Erbil Accord and formation of the High Commission of the Kurds in Syria, the Syrian Kurds are not simply representing themselves. Now, the PKK and KDP have logistically, politically and morally committed themselves to an intelligently designed power project for the Kurds in Syria.

This effective, but unpublicized, participation of these parties in the struggle of the Syrian Kurds has given a different patriotic dimension to the political process.

Active participation of the parties has made the political development project of the Syrian Kurds a historical experiment for the Kurdish nation. In Syria, Kurds can determine their nationhood.

In two years, a century will have passed since the First World War. A hundred years of bloodshed was needed for the Kurds to catch up with the other Mesopotamian nations. Untalented Kurdish leadership and underdevelopment of the Kurdish nation back then were the two major factors that subjected Kurdistan to blood and tears for a century.

Could the scenario in Syrian Kurdistan become a new era in the history of the Kurds? Could these two parties directing the Syrian Kurds in their struggle for freedom work together shoulder to shoulder and provide a positive and constructive national project?

The undisputable truth is that Syria is an experiment where it will be discovered how much the Kurds, after a century of bloody struggle for survival, have developed as a nation.

[zaxo10]

Any new news in rojava?

[zaxo10]

GIRÊDANEK ORGANÎK YA ME BI PKK’Ê RE TUNE YE

Serokê PYD’ê îdîayên ku PKK li Rojavayê Kurdistanê ye jî derewandin û aşkera kir ku, “Teqez tune ye. Tu têkiliyekî organîk yê me bi PKK’ê re tune ye.”

ANF

So the leader of PYD commented about the rumors that PKK is taking ground in West Kurdistan with "There are no PKK members in West Kurdistan and we (PYD) and PKK are not one and the same." If I am not wrong.

Exactly, the PYD leader Salih Müslim say that. Its better for the PYD to distance themselves from the PKK, because they need International support and as a part of the PKK they will not get that.

Source?

[alan131210]

Syrian Kurdish leaders met to discuss ways to implement the Erbil agreement.

25/07/2012 06:08:00 - RUDAW

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region -- Many political observers view last week’s suicide attack that struck Syria’s National Security Council as the beginning of the end for President Bashar al-Assad's regime.

Nuri Brimo, of the Kurdish Democratic Party in Syria, pointed to the fact that top officials controlling Syria’s security and defence were killed.

He said, “The attack made it inevitable that everyone would rethink their positions because it put an end to the mass protests. Since then, events began to change as there are now the barrels of guns from both sides.”

However Dr. Mahmoud Arabo, a representative of the Kurdish Freedom Party in Syria, told Rudaw that, despite this devastating attack on the Syrian regime, he doesn’t believe it will fall any time soon.

“Assad has still got a lot of time left because he has the air force under his command and he has chemical weapons. The game is still in his hands nationally and internationally, so I think he will be making a move soon toward establishing an Alawite-only state,” Arabo said.

Unlike the rest of Syria, the suicide attack had a different impact on Kurdish areas. Soon after, Assad's forces began to withdraw from Kurdish areas. Kurdish parties and local populations quickly liberated the cities of Efrin, Kobane, Amude, Tirba Spi and Sare Kani.

Brimo is confident that Assad’s forces will no longer react against the Kurds because the Alawites do not want instability between them and the Kurds, which is why they have agreed to withdraw from Kurdish areas.

Nevertheless, according to Brimo, the next threat on the Kurds could come from the Free Syria Army (FSA) as many of them do not believe that parts of Syria belong to the Kurds.

 He said, “The FSA will not agree to the withdrawal of the Syrian official army or the peaceful liberation of Kurdish areas by Kurds. They may say that they have the right to come to these areas since the regime is not there anymore.”

Brimo added that all the Syrian Kurdish political parties that agreed to form a united front "should get ready before things get out of hand” in Syrian Kurdistan.

“After complete liberation, the FSA may impose an embargo on the Kurdish areas; they may begin to cut electricity and other basic necessities too. Therefore, we need to be able to provide the population with what they need if that happens. We need support to do that though. Right now, that support should consist of food and guns so we are able to defend ourselves against any sort of attacks,” Brimo said. 

On the other hand, Abdulbaqi Yusuf of the Kurdish Union Party said that the greatest threat to Kurds was not the FSA, but disunity. He wants the Kurdistan National Council (KNC) and Council for Syrian Kurdistan to stand by the agreement signed in Erbil earlier this month for the sake of unity between different Kurdish political parties.

He added, “The FSA is not a threat to Kurds because there are intelligent people among them who know that Kurds were with the revolution from the early days and will be to the end.”  

Yusuf believes there are ultranationalists in the FSA and that therefore the situation needs to be analyzed realistically.

“If they are concerned with the future of Syria, then they need to think of establishing a federal state, because without federalism the coexistence of Sunnis and Alawite Shia is absolutely impossible,” he said.

On the other hand, Salih Muslim, co-leader of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), told Rudaw that Syrian forces withdrew from Kurdish areas because they want to control other areas in the country.

“They [FSA] haven't got time to think about the Kurds, and the Kurds in return have seized the opportunity for their own interests,” he said.

Unlike other Syrian Kurdish politicians, Muslim and the PYD believe federalism in Syria “will not benefit the Kurds.”

The PYD -- currently the most influential party in Syrian Kurdistan and a close affiliate of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) -- argues that democratic autonomy is best for the Kurds in Syria. At their party conference last month in Qamishli, they agreed to champion “self-administration” rather than federalism. 

[brendar]

Talsor those two articles are double posted.

[alan131210]

[alan131210]

25/07/2012 15:56
 
SULI, July 25 (AKnews)- A group of journalists and activists in Suli announced today a new group, dedicated to collecting charity for the Syrian Kurds.   

Group of "Bangi Kurdayeti", literally Kurdishness Call, is formed to show the support and sympathy of Kurds in Southern Kurdistan (Iraq) for the uprising in the Western Kurdistan (Syria), group director Kamal Abu-Bakir told a press conference.

He added the group has been officially licensed and is not funded by any political parties. It also comprises only activists.

The group has once met with Suli governor and is due to hold a second meeting as well as meetings with Erbil and Duhok governors over the mechanism of collecting the charities and donations of Kurdistan residents for Syrian people.

The group has also opened a bank account for collecting the monetary donations which will reach the Kurdish citizens of Syria through International Red Crescent Organization.  

The activists also intend to coordinate with the Muslim clergies and preachers so that they inform the public about the group and their campaign.

[brendar]

[brendar]